A Frank Approach to Strengthen British-Greek Relations: Some Practical Steps

The New Anglo-Hellenic Review

by William Mallinson

Introduction 

After many years of archival research and writing on the history of British-Greek relations, I have come to the view that relations are ostensibly smooth and reasonable, at least in the higher echelons of political life. There are however are some issues which look to have been papered over, played down and even avoided. Here, in particular, the Greek Civil War and Cyprus come to mind. I analyse these and other issues in my recent book on British-Greek relations, bearing in mind A. J. P. Taylor’s view in his The Origins of the Second World War (1964) that: ‘A historian mustnot hesitate even if his books lend aid and comfort to the Queen’s enemies […], or even to the common enemies of mankind.’

This article will propose practical steps with the aim of strengthening mutual trust and understanding between Britain and Greece, bearing in mind that lack of knowledge about the modern history of each other’s country can complicate co-operation on issues such as the Parthenon Marbles and Cyprus.

Unresolved historical questions continue to muddy mutual perceptions. For example, few in Britain know about the Greek Civil War, while most Greeks talk of England, when they really mean Britain. Addressing still sensitive issues openly and constructively would allow British–Greek relations to develop on firmer and more trusting foundations, particularly since historical memory plays a significant role in Greek political culture, as well as in the British institutional memory. British involvement in Greek affairs since the early 1800s, the civil war, the Republic of Cyprus and the Parthenon Marbles, among others, are not merely restricted to academia, but have contemporary diplomatic and social implications, aided by the ‘information explosion’.

 My book’s aim is to expose the good, the bad and the ugly, to give as realistic picture as I can. I was well armed with the books that I had read about Greece, in particular those by Richard Clogg and Christopher Woodhouse. To their credit, both mention ill-judged British behaviour, such as the Don Pacifico affair. Such events tend to be buried inside their books, and not highlighted. Woodhouse for example, criticises Churchill’s obsession with bringing back the king, and Britain’s failure to unite the various resistance movements in Greece, but does not deal with British-Greek relations per se. And on page 57 of A Concise History of Greece, Clogg quotes a British diplomat in 1841: ‘A truly independent Greece is an absurdity. Greece can either be English or Russian, and since she must not be Russian, it is necessary that she be English.’ Their books are not of course intended to focus on British behaviour per se but are rather very good histories of Greece. Let us now address some core issues.

Civil War

Even today, and bearing in mind how atavism is ever present, the civil war still lies in the background of the Greek social and political psyche, and rears its ugly head every so often. For example, in 2014, Helena Smith and Ed Vulliamy of The Guardian wrote a hard-hitting article critical of Britain’s and Churchill’s role in the civil war, under the heading ‘Athens 1944: Britain’s dirty secret’, continuing:’ When 28 civilians were killed in Athens, it wasn’t the Nazis who were to blame, it was the British.’ They refer to how ‘Churchill’s shameful decision to turn on the partisans who had fought on our side in the war sowed the seeds for the rise of the far right in Greece today.’ This caused a considerable furore in Greece, and shows how, if not fully understood, unresolved questions can return years later. In this connection, my own archival research published in, inter alia, Cyprus: A Modern History, has revealed that as early as June 1944 - several months before Churchill and Stalin agreed that Greece would be 90% British - the British Foreign Secretary was admitting: ‘If anyone is to be blamed for the present situation in which the communist-led elements are the most powerful elements in Yugoslavia and Greece, it is we ourselves.’ 

Today, politically little has changed under the surface, and while there is no co-ordinated movement (as with the Parthenon Marbles) to ask Britain to apologise for mistakes in the civil war, an initiative to at least recognise some of her behaviour would be highly welcome in Greece. (It took the Vatican almost 800 years to apologise for the sack of Constantinople in 1204, while inter-Church relations festered. The British government can surely move faster.) 

Cyprus

Continuing on our theme of strengthening mutual trust by resolving historical questions, and by addressing them openly, the Cyprus problem is par excellence an apposite example. Let us recall Patrick Leigh Fermor’s words in his book Roumeli (1966): ‘Ever since the Greek War of Independence, England has enjoyed a singular pre-eminence in Greek affections […] solid reasons support this flattering image […] an image, alas, which recent conflict in Cyprus has battered […] premature to say whether things will revert in time to their previous happy state. There are hopeful signs. But lilies that fester smell worse than weeds [my italics].’ Many Greeks, mainly right-wing ones, will agree with Leigh Fermor, but not the more left-wing ones. Cyprus is indeed an embarrassment, with even David Hannay admitting in his book Cyprus: The Search for a Solution (2005) that ‘we had not covered ourselves with glory’. He does not however specify such matters as Britain’s successful efforts from 1955 to divide Greece and Turkey; Britain’s bias towards Turkey; her role in introducing Makarios’ Thirteen Points in 1963, which led to the intercommunal breakdown; the Parliamentary Select Committee on Cyprus’ statement: ‘Britain had a right to intervene, she had the moral obligation to intervene, she had the military capacity to intervene. She did not intervene for reasons which the Government refuses to give.’; Foreign Secretary Callaghan’s and FCO officials being very economical with the truth in denying any foreknowledge about Turkey’s impending landing on Cyprus; and Britain’s failed attempts to give up her military bases. Although the Cyprus problem is extremely delicate, any solution would surely be less difficult if Britain elaborated on Hannay’s admission above, and admitted past errors. Although the issue is bedeviled by the delicate state of Greek-Turkish relations, such is not the case with the Parthenon Marbles.

The Marbles

Of all the issues complicating British-Greek relations, the Parthenon sculptures surely ranks the highest in terms of public perception. One of the best ways of ‘winning Greek hearts and minds’ would surely be for Britain to return them forthwith, rather than indulge in a cat and mouse game with the Greek government. It remains a mystery to me as to why the British government does not grasp the opportunity to return them, thereby increasing mutual trust, which could have a knock-on effect on other issues. The Parthenon is, after all, the quintessential and unique example of Greece’s vital contribution to Western culture.

Proposals to Strengthen Mutual Trust and Understanding

A bilateral historical dialogue commission could be established to examine archives jointly, encourage scholarly exchange, publish agreed reports, and organise public educational initiatives. Publication of the results in the media would then filter down to the respective populations as whole. Reconciliation and transparency rather than confrontation would be the order of the day. Joint statements recognising painful episodes could be issued, mentioning examples of other examples of inter-state reconciliation, such as between France and Germany, and Britain and Ireland. It would be a question of moral maturity rather than legal liability.

To conclude

Britain and Greece share deep historical ties and common interests, while confronting the past thoughtfully and honestly can strengthen rather than weaken friendship. Our purpose should not be to rub salt in old wounds, but to heal them in order to build a stronger partnership. I hope that you fellow members of the Anglo Hellenic League will help to promote understanding through more open and transparent relations between my two countries through a fresh approach. I think that gently rocking the boat of apathy, rather than papering over the cracks before history again returns to bite us in the tail, is the way ahead. I hope that I have at least given you some food for serious thought.

William Mallinson is a former British diplomat, a member of the editorial committee of the Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, and author of several books, in Greek and English, including Cyprus: A Modern History; Guicciardini Geopolitics and Geohistory: Understanding Inter-State Relations; and Cyprus 1974: Anatomy of an Invasion (co-authored with Vassilis Fouskas). His latest book is The Real Story of the Relationship between Britain and Greece, the paperback having recently appeared. It has also been published in Greek by Papazisi, as Οι Έλλινο-βρετανικ’ες Σξέσεις, Ξετυλίγοντας το Μυθο.